Former army chief seen as Zelenskyy's top rival reveals to AP a rift between them

Tensions emerged soon after Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022, and tempers often flared between the two men over how best to defend the country, Zaluzhnyi said. The strained relationship reached a boiling point later that year, when dozens of agents from Ukraine's domestic intelligence service raided Zaluzhnyi's office, he told the AP.

Zaluzhnyi alleges that the previously unreported incident was an act of intimidation.

Ukraine's security service, known as the SBU, said that no search was ever carried out at Zaluzhnyi's office, though it acknowledged that the address was part of an investigation unrelated to him. Zelenskyy's office declined to comment for this story. The AP could not independently confirm Zaluzhnyi's account of the raid.

The revelation threatens to polarize public opinion in Ukraine at a critical moment in the war. Russian forces are making slow, steady gains across Ukraine's eastern front, and both sides are clinging to incompatible demands as the U.S. presses them to reach a peace deal.

Zaluzhnyi said that during the 2022 raid on his office he called Zelenskyy's chief of staff warning him he was prepared to call in the military to stop it and protect the command center: "I will fight with you and have already called in reinforcements to the center of Kyiv for support."

While that near crisis early in the war passed, disagreements between Zaluzhnyi and Zelenskyy over how to defend their country persisted, according to Zaluzhnyi.

A dispute over a counteroffensive in 2023 that ultimately failed was particularly contentious, the former general said. Zelenskyy dismissed him as army chief in February 2024, and later announced he would be headed to London.

The move was widely seen by political analysts as an effort by Zelenskyy to limit Zaluzhnyi's potential as a political rival.

While a deal to end the war remains elusive, Zelenskyy has agreed in principle to a plan laid out by U.S. President Donald Trump that calls for elections once the war is over and security guarantees are in place.

'I know how to fight'

One evening in mid-September 2022, Zaluzhnyi emerged from a tense meeting at Zelenskyy's headquarters and headed back to his office in Kyiv.

Hours later, dozens of agents from Ukraine's security service showed up at Zaluzhnyi's office to search the premises, Zaluzhnyi said. He says he prevented them from rifling through documents and computers.

The raid was clearly a threat, Zaluzhnyi said.

Later, he learned that Ukraine's security service had sought a search warrant from a district court in Kyiv two days earlier to inspect the address where Zaluzhnyi's office is located. The agency was seeking to search a strip club allegedly run by a criminal organization, according to a court document obtained by AP.

But the strip club named in the filing had been closed at that location since before Russia's full-scale invasion, two employees who work at the club's new location told the AP.

The SBU said it was looking into several addresses as part of an investigation into organized crime — unconnected to Zaluzhnyi.

Zaluzhnyi believes the agency could not plausibly have mistaken the location of the country's main war command center.

Diluted striking force

The 2023 counteroffensive drew widespread criticism from military experts for being too ambitious and coming too late, giving Russian forces time to fortify positions.

Zaluzhnyi says the plan he had crafted with help from NATO partners failed because Zelenskyy and other officials wouldn't commit the resources it required.

The original plan was to concentrate enough forces into a "single fist" to retake the partially occupied region of Zaporizhzhia — home to a vital nuclear power plant — and then have them advance south to the Sea of Azov. This would sever a corridor of land the Russian army had been using to resupply Crimea, which it illegally annexed in 2014. Success required a large, concentrated buildup and tactical surprise, Zaluzhnyi said.

What happened instead, he said, was that forces were dispersed over a wide area, diluting their striking power.

His account of how the counteroffensive diverged from the original plan was corroborated by two Western defense officials who spoke on condition of anonymity because they aren't authorized to speak publicly to the media.

A diplomat with political intentions?

Zaluzhnyi's key criticisms of Ukraine's war strategy are that it depends on an unrealistic number of troops and is not organized well in how it develops and deploys new technologies to the battlefield. He watches developments closely, but says he has not been involved with military decision-making since Zelenskyy pushed him out. Zaluzhnyi said he and Zelenskyy had "absolutely friendly" conversations on the two occasions they met since then.

Some analysts say Zaluzhnyi's lack of involvement in Ukraine's day-to-day political affairs could weaken his popularity.

Still, an Ipsos poll published last month showed support for Zaluzhnyi in a hypothetical future election at 23%, compared with Zelenskyy's 20%, making him the president's top competitor.

Many Ukrainians see him as a figure capable of changing the system, said Volodymyr Fesenko, a political analyst based in Kyiv. "People will vote not only for Zaluzhnyi but also against Zelenskyy — blaming him for the failures of his presidency," he explained.

Zaluzhnyi avoids discussing politics, he says, for fear of fomenting division among Ukrainians. "Until the war is over or martial law ends, I am not discussing this and have done nothing toward that," he said.